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But through the process of amendment, interpretation and court decision I have finally been included in “We, the people.”
Barbara Jordanverified·Statement in the House Judiciary Committee's impeachment inquiry·July 25, 1974
The complete collection
But through the process of amendment, interpretation and court decision I have finally been included in “We, the people.”
They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal to the law for protection, and those who would use the law as a defense must not deny that use of it to others.
No political party can long pursue advantage at the expense of public honor or by rude and indecent methods without protest and fatal disaffection in its own body.
The man who has come to regard the ballot box as a juggler's hat has renounced his allegiance.
We should hold our differing opinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted them to the arbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse judgment with the same respect that we would have demanded of our opponents if the decision had been in our favor.
This only will I say, that the most crushing of misfortune's burdens is, that as soon as a charge is fastened upon the unhappy, they are believed to have deserved their sufferings.
My experience has been that the time to test a true gentleman is to observe him when he is in contact with individuals of a race that is less fortunate than his own.
The welfare of the weakest and the welfare of the most powerful are inseparably bound together.
Men do not make laws. They do but discover them.
The suspension of one man's dividends is the suspension of another man's pay envelope.
The question is whether a statute authorizing such proceedings in restraint of publication is consistent with the conception of the liberty of the press as historically conceived and guaranteed.
The fact that the liberty of the press may be abused by miscreant purveyors of scandal does not make any the less necessary the immunity of the press from previous restraint in dealing with offical misconduct.
That any living woman should prefer it to home and husband, to love and motherhood, throws a fierce light on what women must have suffered for lack of freedom before.
Little by little, very slowly, and with most unjust and cruel opposition, at cost of all life holds most dear, it is being gradually established by many martyrdoms that human work is woman’s as well as man’s.
To teach, to rule, to make, to decorate, to distribute,—these are not sex-functions: they are race-functions.
There is no female mind. The brain is not an organ of sex. As well speak of a female liver.
The extravagant expenditure of public money is an evil not to be measured by the value of that money to the people who are taxed for it.
When you open your heart to patriotism, there is no room for prejudice.
in the field of public education the doctrine of "separate but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.
To separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.
Such an opportunity, where the state has undertaken to provide it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.
The Amendment must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society.
The basic concept underlying the Eighth Amendment is nothing less than the dignity of man.
When the Government acts to take away the fundamental right of citizenship, the safeguards of the Constitution should be examined with special diligence.
Our constitutional system amply provides for the protection of minorities by means other than giving them majority control of state legislatures.