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Great distance in either time or space has wonderful power to lull and render quiescent the human mind.
Abraham Lincolnverified·Address before the Washingtonian Temperance Society, Springfield, Illinois·February 22, 1842
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Great distance in either time or space has wonderful power to lull and render quiescent the human mind.
What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent.
When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-government,--that is despotism.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.
If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.
His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.
You may fool all the people some of the time, you can even fool some of the people all the time, but you can't fool all of the people all the time
Attribution contested
No contemporaneous record of Lincoln saying this survives. It first appears in recollections published decades after his death, and has also been credited to P. T. Barnum. Even the wording is unstable: this is McClure's 1901 text, which differs from the version usually quoted today. Treat the phrasing as the compiler's, not Lincoln's.
The engine can arrange and combine its numerical quantities exactly as if they were letters or any other general symbols; and in fact it might bring out its results in algebraical notation, were provisions made accordingly.
Energy in the Executive is a leading character in the definition of good government.
Unable to perceive a single chance of regaining their equality, they give up to despair, and allow themselves to fall below the dignity of human nature.
the liberty of association is become a necessary guarantee against the tyranny of the majority
On the other hand, in a State where the citizens are nearly on an equality, it becomes difficult for them to preserve their independence against the aggressions of power.
The happy and the powerful do not go into exile, and there are no surer guarantees of equality among men than poverty and misfortune.
In the ages of equality all men are independent of each other, isolated and weak.
In administering the laws of Congress I shall keep steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of the Executive power trusting thereby to discharge the functions of my office without transcending its authority.
Considering standing armies as dangerous to free governments in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nor disregard that salutary lesson of political experience which teaches that the military should be held subordinate to the civil power.
The laws of the United States must be executed.
Our Constitution does not contain the absurdity of giving power to make laws, and another power to resist them.
The wisdom of man never yet contrived a system of taxation that would operate with perfect equality.
The loss of liberty, of all good government, of peace, plenty, and happiness, must inevitably follow a dissolution of the Union.
The Constitution to which life was thus imparted contains within itself ample resources for its own preservation.
The powers of patronage and rule which would have been exercised, under the President, over a vast and populous and naturally wealthy region are greater than, unless under extreme necessity, I should be willing to intrust to any one man.
The ancient republics absorbed the individual in the state--prescribed his religion and controlled his activity.
Now military governments, established for an indefinite period, would have offered no security for the early suppression of discontent, would have divided the people into the vanquishers and the vanquished, and would have envenomed hatred rather than have restored affection.
Nay, ’tis woman’s strongest vindication for speaking that the world needs to hear her voice.